
. . . the more I like. Even as a Supreme Court newbie, Kagan showed remarkable sophistication and prescience . . .
If a science of history were achieved, it would, like the science of celestial mechanics, make possible the calculable prediction of the future in history.
While some aspects of her oeuvre are not great (e.g., I worry that her rejection of judicial activism won't extend to the masturbatory rantings by nutcases like Scalia since it's become conventional wisdom that conservatives by definition can't be judicial activists, which is completely ridiculous), this is pretty good stuff:
During Ms. Kagan’s confirmation for solicitor general, she was asked whether the president has the authority to order wiretaps without a warrant from a court.
She cited a three-part analysis established by the Supreme Court in a 1952 case, Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company v. Sawyer, which struck down president Harry S. Truman’s authority to seize the nation’s steel mills in the name of national security. (The Justice Department cited the same analysis in 2006 in justifying President George W. Bush’s power to order the National Security Agency surveillance program, as did Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr. during his Supreme Court confirmation hearings.) The analysis notes that “when the President takes measures incompatible with the expressed or implied will of Congress,” presidential “power is at its lowest ebb” and these circumstances should be rare.
. . . the Murdoch press to seek favour from a new government policy in reward for electioneering support that will result in a government that is willing to implement policies to diminish the competition poised by both the BBC and the internet. At the beginning of October the Murdoch press accelerated its objective of winning favour amongst the tory party leadership by the Sun publically declaring its backing for the Conservative party some 6 months ahead of the next General Election.
This has been subsequently been followed by favourable policy proposals out of the Conservative party in the commercial interests of News International such as reported in the Independent in response to Peter Mandelson's allegations of the Tory leaders being suspected of having done a deal with Murdoch.
"Examples of the apparent tie-in between what News International's boss, James Murdoch, wants, and what David Cameron is ready to promise include the recent decision by the Conservatives to abandon the idea of "top slicing" the BBC licence fee. It had been proposed that part of the money paid to the BBC would be siphoned off to help regional television companies meet the threat from the internet. But this would also have helped them compete more effectively against Sky News, which is part of the Murdoch media empire.
When the policy was abandoned in September, Jeremy Hunt, the shadow Culture Secretary, said that it was because enacting it might make the commercial television companies "focus not on attracting viewers but on attracting subsidies". There was no gain for the BBC in the climb down, because David Cameron had already said that the Tories will freeze the licence fee. What it will mean is that the BBC's income will be capped, without the regional television companies seeing any government help, which will strengthen the market position of Britain's only satellite television company, Sky. "This was done for News International," a Tory insider said yesterday. "Murdoch wants Sky to go head to head with the BBC. He doesn't want the independent companies strengthened.”
In April 2008, James Murdoch complained bitterly about the media regulator Ofcom in his first major speech after taking over as chief executive of News Corporation in Europe and Asia. The following year, David Cameron announced that a Conservative government would cut Ofcom down to size."
"It is not at all clear to me what, if any, legal justification of its action the US government relied on . . . If I am right and the invasion of Iraq . . . was unauthorised by the security council, there was a serious violation of international law and the rule of law . . . It is, as has been said, 'the difference between the role of world policeman and world vigilante.' "Some interesting statements here from Tom about the Chilcot inquiry.
1) Previous to the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention in 1949, there was no treaty against targeting civilians. So, at the time, it would not have been unlawful for the president to order the "massacre of a civilian village". It would have been wrong, but not unlawful.
2) The means of production of weapons is - sadly - a legitimate target in time of war. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were military staging areas and major industrial centers producing munitions. The only reason targeting them is questioned is because people are squeamish about the use of nuclear weapons. If they had been fire-bombed it would have been just another epic tragedy, no more or less noteworthy than any other firebombing perpetrated by McNamara or Churchill.
The report said “situations of great stress, danger and fear do not relieve department attorneys of their duty to provide thorough, objective, and candid legal advice, even if that advice is not what the clients want to hear.”
I am instinctively a liberal interventionist who thought that Tony Blair played a creditable role when British forces saved Sierra Leone from sadistic thugs and did so again when Slobodan Milosevic was stopped from ethnic cleansing in Kosovo.
One of the many tragedies of the Iraq war is that it will be hugely more difficult for any future British leader to persuade his country that there are times when it is not just right but an obligation to intervene when tyrannical states threaten their neighbours or their own people.
A considerably more disturbing thought, though, was provoked by the Bank of England economists Andrew Haldane and Piergiorgio Alessandri. They noted in an influential paper delivered in Chicago in September that, in the UK at least, higher leverage fully – fully! – accounted for UK banks’ rise in returns on equity until 2007. This will plant a disturbing syllogism in the mind of the average voter: If (a) payment to bankers is based on returns, and if (b) returns in the past decade were due to increased leverage, then (c) bankers, when all is said and done, were being paid to increase risk – not to assess it expertly, just to increase it. In retrospect, the world might have been better off, and richer, if this work hadn’t been undertaken at all. The public may well assess the real value of the work done by investment bankers at zero.
"It's erected as a war memorial. I assume it is erected in honor of all of the war dead . . . What would you have them erect?...Some conglomerate of a cross, a Star of David, and you know, a Muslim half moon and star?"I have an answer to this that is so crazy, it just might work: how 'bout an American flag?
For anyone paying attention to the way in which governments and regulators are coming to grips with the financial crisis and its causes, these times continue to be ever so interesting. For those of us who have been in this business for a long time, particularly we who fancy ourselves familiar with prudential and public policy foundations underlying the financial system since the early 1930s, these times are “interesting” in the sense of the old Chinese curse: there is every reason to be frightened by much of what is in the legislative pipeline – especially in the EU.
Let there be no doubt: the assaults unleashed over the past year on the perceived failings of “Anglo-Saxon capitalism” by certain (code for French) continental European governments represent a potential prudential paradigm shift in such elemental questions as who should be incentivised to do what – and bear the associated risk - not just in terms of his or her own private interest, but in terms of the interest of the public and the public purse. Some of this intentional: contrary to subsequent damage control – mainly by Michel Barnier – President Sarkozy meant exactly what he said when he referred to “the triumph of French ideals” which is under way in Brussels, particularly with the new proposed "Alternative Investments Fund Managers Directive" (AIFMD). People – especially Brits – should not delude themselves into thinking the French will be reasonable. They will not: they are bent on nothing less than imposing a French civil law regime affecting property rights across Europe.
If this were just about a French plot, things might be manageable. Unfortunately, the legislative sausage-making process in Brussels is even more chaotic and farcical than it is in Washington – especially when the stakes are high and the facts are as technical and/or highly legalistic as they are here.
The reality is this: beginning with AIFMD, member state civil liability regimes around the nature of your right to the return of your property (i.e., your cash or investments) are going to be irrevocably replaced by how the French feel about this (goodbye, English common law) – albeit at first only in piecemeal fashion affecting investments in funds. The good news is the French think you should never be at risk of losing your investments and a bank responsible for them will be forced to return them immediately. The bad news is – considering the trillions of euros banks will then need to reflect as guarantor risk on their balance sheets – the banks will be forced to either raise fees massively (while massively increasing risk-based capital required to support the risk) or get out of the business altogether. This will massively increase concentration in the financial sector – probably not a great idea in the wake of the crisis – which in turn will ultimately expose taxpayers to new kinds of massive bailouts - possibly more frequently.
Oh, and as a side-note, the legislation as drafted literally prohibits any investment outside of Europe: think of the impact of this on potential return on investment. The European Parliament’s own commissioned report, such as it is, makes for interesting reading: it predicts disaster but, in my view, doesn’t go nearly far enough and misses some crucial elements.
The impact will be on all – ALL – funds other than retail UCITS: e.g., private equity funds, hedge funds, real estate funds, funds-of-funds, you name it. Despite the supposedly limited scope of the directive, UCITS funds will not, of course, escape: it was announced early on that UCITS will be “revised” in some way along the same lines.
So, put that pension fund liability hole and smoke it.
But don’t worry, if you have concerns, you have until 21st January to get your amendments in.
I would like to believe that even the French don’t intend to completely destroy Europe’s financial and investment sectors, so I have got to assume that much of what will happen as a result of this crazy legislation is also unintentional. Sadly, unless the possible consequences of these proposed public policy changes are fully addressed in an inclusive and rational debate, the EU and its citizens are likely to rue having allowed their leaders to succumb to political pressures and philosophical inclinations without these being tested under the disinfecting glare of a truly public, inclusive consultation.
Jean-Paul Gauzes, the European Parliament’s Rapporteur who is shepherding through the new legislation, is fond of noting publicly the unprecedented lobbying efforts in Brussels by industry groups and other stakeholders who object to some aspect or other of the directive. This seems to be stated with a relish which only seems to confirm in legislators’ minds that they must be getting something right if so many in the detested financial services industry doth protest so much. At the same time, officials in Brussels bristle at the notion that public consultation on the directive was lacking, citing prior consultations on such topics as short-selling, private placement passports for non-UCITS funds and regulation of hedge fund managers. Selective memory may serve as a political expedient, but in this case it will prove a dangerous misdirection as it is irrefutably true there has never been any public consultation on the most crucial aspects of the legislation.
This state of affairs brings to mind the infamous case in the United States of the woman who sued McDonalds restaurants for serving coffee in a drive-thru that was hot enough to severely burn her lap[1]. The end result has been that it is now impossible to get a decent cup of coffee anywhere in the United States and, to add insult to injury, consumers are subjected to infantile warnings printed on the outside of take-away cups that the contents therein may be hot (when, in fact, they are not).
There is an old lawyers’ saying that bad facts make bad law, and the facts, according to Andrew G Haldane, Executive Director, Financial Stability, Bank of England[2], are that
. . . the scale of intervention to support the banks in the UK, US and the euro-area during the current crisis . . . totals over $14 trillion or almost a quarter of global GDP . . . [i]t dwarfs any previous state support of the banking system.
Alors: we have very bad facts indeed, and they are well on their way to making very bad laws. For this, instead of a lady with the burned lap, we can thank Bernie Madoff and perhaps some risk managers who evidently were unable to assess the meaning of ever-widening spreads in credit default swaps among the major banks throughout 2008.
The governments and regulatory agencies now sifting through the ensuing wreckage can hardly be blamed for reacting politically: indeed, it is the obligation of those of us in the affected industries that ran the ship aground to redouble our efforts to offer sensible prescriptions for patching the hull and getting under way again – and we need to do this thoughtfully and humbly, for we must realise we lack credibility and so will be looked on (not unreasonably) with scepticism if not suspicion.
All investment funds in Europe, UCITS and non-UCITS alike, are facing a fundamental shift in allocation of responsibilities and risks. The possible consequences and risks which may flow from this reallocation cannot be overstated. What regulators and governments urgently need to understand is this is not an issue for the financial services industry alone: it is an issue for the future of Europe as a financial centre and for ordinary citizens as well as pension fund trustees who are struggling to determine how they will plug the holes in their pensions.
[1] The jury awarded the 81-year old plaintiff $2.7 million, largely because of McDonald’s allegedly callous behaviour. The award was reduced on appeal to $480,000.
[2] *Andrew Haldane, ‘Banking on the State’, BIS Review 139/2009
" . . . the scale of intervention to support the banks in the UK, US and the euro-area during the current crisis . . . totals over $14 trillion or almost a quarter of global GDP. It dwarfs any previous state support of the banking system."
Here in what the locals like to call “Little Britain”, a nasty spat among the media elite has messily intruded on the public consciousness. The occasion giving rise to the current palaver was a recent speech darkly titled “The Absence of Trust” by none other than James Murdoch at the MacTaggart Series of lectures in Edinburgh on 28th August. The speech was delivered on the twentieth anniversary of a memorable shot-across-the bow delivered by James’ dad, Rupert, at the same venue in which Murdoch-the-elder portrayed (probably accurately) a calcified British television media slumbering, contented and oblivious, on state subsidies as the digital media age beckoned - with Rupert Murdoch chomping at the bit in its vanguard. It was obvious that a speech on such an occasion by Rupert’s son-and-heir called for something special.
And Murdoch-the-younger delivered. In one sense, his was a tired reprise about the size and scope of the ‘beeb, whom competitors love to loathe as a state-sponsored behemoth stifling competition and distorting markets. But, by invoking Orwell, Mr. Murdoch cranked the debate up a notch. “As Orwell foretold,” he reminded us grimly, “to let the state enjoy a near-monopoly of information is to guarantee manipulation and distortion.” This certainly got people’s attention in a nation that takes its Orwell seriously indeed, as was no doubt intended.
It is important to keep in mind that the framework for this discussion – when stripped of all the accompanying sound and fury -- has been utterly upended since dear-old-Dad’s speech of twenty years ago: the debate now must be conducted against a backdrop which recognises the ascendancy of new formats, new media and the “New Media”. The last of these is dominated coincidentally by the Murdoch empire, which today wields enormous power in its own right, seizing market share in Britain, the U.S. and elsewhere, and dominating certain markets (such as television sports). It is for this reason that James Murdoch’s plaintive exhortations to throttle the
In calling for “genuine independence” in the news media, Mr. Murdoch is to be applauded, but his prescription for ensuring such noble aims errs in one crucial respect: it fails to take account a little thing called irony. When the premise of one’s thesis also happens to be utterly self-serving, irony may have an unfortunate cancelling effect. We can only take Mr. Murdoch’s earnestness at face value, which make the passages from Mr. Murdoch’s speech priceless examples of apparent complete lack of self-awareness, among them: “. . . people value honest, fearless, and above all independent news coverage that challenges the consensus,” which is an “inescapable conclusion that we must reach if we are to have a better society.”
“A better society”? Is this what the Fox Networks aspire to?
You know, Newt Gingrich knows a lot about saying stupid things and being forced out of the job as Speaker. … But one way or the other — I mean, I wasn’t in the room, you weren’t in the room, Newt Gingrich wasn’t in the room. None of us know exactly what happened there. But whatever it is Nancy Pelosi knew about, George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, John Yoo, Jay Bybee, they knew more. And ultimately, when we have a thorough investigation of what happened, the bulk of the blame has to lie with the architects of the policy, not with a member of the opposition party.The GOP playbook hasn't changed a bit: destract, deny, project. And their demographic keeps on shrinking.
yeah, government waste sucks, it’s rampant at every level, and taxes are a vicious racket, and everyone should be pissed off . What’s hilarious about the teabaggers, though, is how they never squawk about waste until the spending actually has a chance of benefiting them. You will never hear of a teabagger crying about OPIC giving $50 million in free insurance to some mining company so that they can dig for silver in rural Bolivia. You won’t hear of a teabagger protesting the $2.5 billion in Ex-Im loans we gave to GE through the early part of this decade, even as GE was moving nearly a hundred thousand jobs overseas over the course of ten years. And Michelle Malkin’s readers didn’t seem to mind giving IBM millions in Ex-IM and ATP loans at the same time it was giving its former CEO, Lou Gerstner, $260 million in stock options.
In other words teabaggers don’t mind paying taxes to fund the salaries of Bolivian miners, Lou Gerstner’s stock options, deliveries of “sailboat fuel,” the Hermes scarves on Sandy Weill’s jet pillows, or even the export of their own goddamn jobs. But they do hate it when someone tries to re-asphalt their roads, or help bail their slob neighbor out of foreclosure. And God forbid someone propose a health care program, or increased financial aid for college. Hell, that’s like offering to share your turkey with the other Pilgrims! That’s not what America is all about! America is every Pilgrim for himself, dammit! Raise your own motherfucking turkey!